Smithsonian launches book for middle schoolers about 30 inspirational AAPI individuals

'We Are Here: 30 Inspiring Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders Who Have Shaped the United States'

 introduces readers to incredible stories of resilience, adversity and joy.

As learning about Asian American, Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander history is gaining more support and momentum in educational and political circles, the search for and the creation of resource material is growing exponentially.

One source often overlooked is the Smithsonian Institution, which has been developing educational material for and about AANHPI for years. The Smithsonian recently released an anthology, We Are Here: 30 Inspiring Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders Who Have Shaped the United States published by Running Press Kids. 

"This book came together during a difficult time for our communities," says Dr. Yao-Fen You, acting director of the Smithsonian AsianPacific American Center.

"The global spread of COVID-19 led to increased incidents of anti-Asian hate and bias, prompting us at the Smithsonian Asian Pacific American Center to think about how we could better support our communities and the nation."

It is authored by Naomi Hirahara and illustrated by by Filipino American artist and illustrator Illi Ferandez. We Are Here is the Smithsonian’s first middle-grade anthology centering stories of Asian American and Pacific Islander people who have made great impacts on the cultural, social, and political fabric of the United States and the Pacific.

When APAC was approached to create the book, the team decided early on that the 30 profiles would be split evenly—15 Asian Americans and 15 Pacific Islanders, all from diverse ethnicities, genders, lived experiences, and livelihoods. 

It was important for to APAC to balance stories we wished to share, from well-known celebrities and community figures such as actors Keanu Reeves and Dwayne “The Rock” Johnson, and tennis star Naomi Osaka, to lesser-known activists, artists, and community leaders in mainstream media, such as Sikh American artist and activist Vishavjit Singh, Lao American leader Channapha Khamvongsa, and Marshallese poet Kathy Jetñil-Kijiner.

Art by Illi Fernandez

It was important for APAC to extend it's relationships with community members with young readers. At the end of We Are Here there is a reflection guide which aims to focus on the importance of relationship building. Readers will be able to reflect on the book's subjects.

The reflection guide also comes with a QR code that will take readers to a new series of collections on the Smithsonian’s Learning Lab. Each collection provides viewers with access to images of art, interviews, music videos, archival materials, and much more.

"It is my hope that these thirty profiles of inspirational AAPI activists, artists, musicians, actors, writers, scientists, and entrepreneurs introduce you to figures whom you did not know before and that they spark conversations about why our stories need to be told," says Dr. You. "With 22 million Asian Americans and 1.5 million Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders residing in the United States, this is just a start. There are so many more stories to tell."

'We Are Here: 30 Inspiring Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders Who Have Shaped the United States' is available for sale at Amazon or click here.

EDITOR'S NOTE: For additional commentary, news and views from an AANHPI perspective, follow @DioknoEd on Twitter.

Seattle: Teaching Filipino American history is a social and societal affirmation

A mural depicts Filipino American experience in Seattle.

It wasn't until college before I learned any Filipino American history. By then, my self-worth had plummeted to depths I didn't realize until I stepped back as an adult to look back on my life's journey.

Middle school and high school were terrible. The popularity and a reputation for academic accomplishments that I fostered in elementary school vanished as I entered 7th grade when the social aspects of school began to take precedence.  All the way through high school, although I got along with students of all races in my multi-ethnic school, I always had this feeling of being on the outside and not belonging.

For the first time, Seattle public school students are being offered an option to study Filipino American history to fulfill their US history requirement. After all, Filipino American history is part of US history.

Usually, in the most forward-looking school districts, which are rare, Filipino American history is part of the overall curriculum of an Asian American history class. But Seattle public schools offering is perhaps the district offering a distinctly Filipino American subject, not Chinese, Japanese or the all-encompassing Asian American history, but Filipino.

According to 2020–2021 Seattle Public Schools (SPS) student data disaggregated by racial demographics, upwards of 4,700 students identify as Filipino, Filipino American, or as a multiracial Filipino student. 

Filipino American history has already been incorporated into SPS's curriculum of US history, but this virtual offering centering on the Filipino American experience can now fulfill that same history requirement.

It took decades of community work to develop the academically acceptable curriculum including contributions from the University of Washington and from the local Filipino American community.

Usually, curriculum is developed from the materials available from national publishers and educational institutions and then selected by the local school districts. In Seattle's case, it is the first time that locally produced educational formed the basis of the curriculum.

Much of the material is derived from the Filipino American National History Society, headquartered in Seattle. Having October designated as Filipino American History Month is the product of the work of FANHS.

It took many individuals and decades of research and lobbying for the creation of the history class. One of the key local sdvocates was SPS senior project manager of academics Devin Cabanilla. For years, he used his role in the district and his strong ties with the local community to leverage acceptance of the idea.

It wasn't until the arrival of SPS's Ethnic Studies program manager Alekz Wray and the current district administration leaders, did the idea break through the bureaucratic red tape.  Wray shepherded the course through the academic requirements of SPS and helped integrate the local material into the curriculum. 

“It was really important for me to make sure that this class was not a product of SPS," Wray told the Emerald. "This was a product of the community that has been living this history, because who’s telling the story is super important … This was the Filipino, Filipina, Filipinx American communities’ story to tell, and because the community still has ownership over this curriculum, they’re still able to empower and uplift and keep this as a living curriculum.”

The course, “Filipinx American US History,” fits into the district’s expanding catalog of courses centering diverse perspectives in literature and history classes, such as Black Studies US History and Native American Literature. The high school course uses Filipinx in its name, a term indicating gender neutrality in place of Filipino or Filipina, although some say “Filipino” is already a gender-neutral term.

RELATED: A pilgrimage to Carlos Bulosan's gravesite

The Filipino community has a strong presence in Seattle where a park and bridge is
named after one of the Philippines' revolutionary figures.

The school district said expanded access to these ethnic courses is critical to its racial equity work and commitment to the community. 

During this current surge of outright racism, especially attacks against Asian Americans, anti-racist curricula and teaching methods are a potentially potent way for schools to better promote a just society and improve educational outcomes for low-income students and students of color, according to studies by educational experts.

“Students going through ethnic studies curricula find themselves empowered having that self-confidence … a lot of people start to get to know themselves,” said Dr. Third Andresen, a UW professor who played a critical role in designing the curriculum. “It (ethnic studies) increases the probability of college access and the probability of graduation.”

SPS spokesperson Tina Riss Christiansen said there are currently  11 students enrolled in the virtual Filipinx U.S. History class. There are also a couple hundred eighth graders at several middle schools who will take the class this school year. Christiansen also points out that Seattle schools also tests Filipino languages every year for World Language Credit Testing and a Seal of Biliteracy to fulfill the foreign language requirements of some colleges.

“Filipinos are contributors in any community they go to, so this class will be for all of us, by Filipinos,” Wray said. “I’m really excited for students to be able to take this class and to really challenge the master narrative,” which usually teaches US history from a Euro-centric point of view.

"I’m so jealous of kids,” Cabanilla told the Emerald. “The relevance of who Filipino Americans are in American history wasn’t clear to me until after college. For kids to be able to recognize that [they] are a valid part of American history ... it’s so affirming.”

EDITOR'S NOTE: For additional commentary, news and views from an AANHPI perspective, follow @DioknoEd on Twitter.

Labor Day: How the Asian American-led 1982 garment strike shaped three decades of labor activism

 

Photo courtesy of The Kheel Center ILGWU Collection, Cornell University

Throughout the history of the United States, Asian Americans have had a tradition of community activism. That history has been buried under the stereotype of the submissive, docile Asian which benefits big business and corporations.

In recent times, as Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders are being attacked from racists the AAPI communities are finding coming together to battle the racism and hate that has been encouraged and fueled by the same forces that would benefit from the erasure of an activist history.

The submissive Asian stereotype has never been true: from the Chinese workers on the Transcontinental railroad who struck for better working conditions and more pay, to the 1965 Grape Strike that created the United Farm Workers to the student activism of the 1960s and 1970s to today's collective actions in politics, education, health and business.

AAPI communities are finding new voice and power and shattering the depiction of a the silent go-along to get-along Asian. 

Today, it has never been more important that the hidden chapters of Asian American history are taught and embraced by and inspires new generations of all Americans.

The following article is one of those chapters you won't find in U.S. history books: the relatively recent garment workers' strike of 1982 when 20,000 garment workers struck for better pay and working conditions.

By Aaron Mok

REPRINTED FROM PRISM

On June 24, 1982, 20,000 garment workers—predominantly Chinese immigrant women—flooded the streets of New York City’s Chinatown to demand fair wages, benefits, and worker conditions from their employers. When the workers reached Columbus Park, city councilmen and organizers delivered passionate speeches on the podium, urging employers to sign the newly revised International Ladies’ Garment Workers Union (ILGWU) contract. One by one, Chinese employers rushed to sign, and by early afternoon every manufacturer agreed, marking a major win for Chinatown’s garment workers.

Nearly two decades later, the strike is still known as one of the largest protests in the history of Chinatown. The success of the strike, however, remains overlooked, or, at best, forgotten by the popular imagination, says May Chen, one of the core ILGWU organizers of the strike. There was little media coverage on Asian Americans at the time, rendering Asian American-led movements and activism “invisible up to the millennium.”

With the recent surge of attacks against Asians Americans—the byproduct of decades’ worth of systemic racism and more recently, the racialization of COVID-19 as the “China Virus,”—a new wave of Asian American activism has emerged. While President Joe Biden signed the COVID-19 Hate Crimes Act, more than 85 Asian American and LGBTQ+ groups criticized the legislation’s focus on law enforcement—which has a dubious record when it comes to the protecting Asian American communities to begin with—for failing to address any of the root causes of anti-Asian violence, including economic inequality. 

In in an op-ed for The Seattle Times, professor Linh Thủy Nguyễn wrote: “We can name physical attacks and deaths as racist violence, why can’t we name the system of racial capitalism that produces the economic precarity of living paycheck to paycheck an issue of violence, as well?”

Racial capitalism and economic precarity were at the heart of the 1982 ILGWU strike, which stands as a stark rebuke to the common misperception that Asian Americans are politically unengaged and largely unconcerned with issues like workers’ rights. It’s a story of how Asian American alliances and activism transformed the economic conditions of an industry that exploits marginalized immigrant women with lessons for activists to follow nearly 30 years later. And crucially, it’s an example that illuminates how racial violence manifests in more subtle ways beyond hate crimes and violence.
Economic independence through the garment industry

In 1963, Chinatown’s garment industry spanned 50 garment factories and employed a total of 2,000 workers. But after the Immigration and Naturalization Act eliminated the racial quota system that gave preference to western European immigrants and “skilled” workers in 1965, a new wave of Chinese immigration doubled the Chinese American population within a decade. 

Twenty years later, garment manufacturers sold between $150 and $200 million in annual merchandise—ranging from zippers and waistbands for sportswear to patterned dresses—with $100 million dollars on the payroll. Chinatown’s garment industry boomed to include 500 garment manufacturers employing up to 25,000 workers, 80% of whom were Chinese women. The garment industry was an avenue to economic independence for these non-English speaking immigrants and a means to supplement their husbands’ income.

However, wages were low, hours were long, injury was common, and crowded, unhygienic, poorly ventilated facilities led to the spread of viral and gastrointestinal disease among garment workers. Jay Mazur, former manager of the Local 23-25 chapter of the ILGWU, called the demands of the workplace “preposterous, unrealistic, and totally unacceptable,” inspiring a new contract that called for higher pay, additional paid time off (holiday, sick leave, jury duty, etc.) and more robust health care and retirement benefits. Industries negotiated a contract with the union but Chinese manufacturers rejected it, fearing that their businesses would go bankrupt. ILGWU organizers like Chen decided to take matters to the streets, which culminated in the 1982 garment strike.

“Many employers thought they could prey on the ethnic sympathies of the workers and just say ‘Look, we’re all Chinese. You don’t need the union, you can function without it,’” Chen said. “Thankfully, the workers and the union realized they would have a lot to lose if they gave it up.”

Workers secured a more robust union contract and the strike galvanized Chinatown community members to be more politically active—Chen co-founded the Asian Pacific American Labor Alliance, the first and only union for AAPI workers. The most significant impact of the strike, according to Chen, was how it transformed the cultural perception around Asian American women. Chinese women were once perceived as quiet, docile, and submissive; now they were seen speaking out against injustices in the workforce, actively participating in their union, and becoming leaders at local community organizations. Some women were even empowered to walk away from domestic violence.

“Chinatown, especially when I was working in the union in the 80s and 90s, was still really male dominated and chauvinistic,” Chen said. “But the women of this community became much more outspoken … that was pretty amazing to me.”

Photo courtesy of The Kheel Center ILGWU Collection, Cornell University

ILGWU members march through Chinatown on July 15, 1982. 

New time and location, same working conditions

While the strike improved workplace conditions for Chinatown’s garment workers, the garment industry took a severe hit during the globalization wave in the early ‘90s. U.S.-based Chinese manufacturers moved their production overseas for cheaper labor, and new media companies gentrified remaining factories out of the neighborhood, shuttering up to 50 shops each year between 1998 and 2001. The 9/11 attacks were the final blow—the aftermath blocked off Chinatown and disrupted major commercial activity for weeks. 

Unable to financially recover, the last standing manufacturers closed shop, leaving 8,000 workers out of jobs over the next two years. Those with speciality skills (i.e., pattern making) found jobs at high-end American fashion stores; the rest transitioned out of the industry and turned to alternative jobs: elderly home care, food service (some women wrapped dumplings at Chinese restaurants), and other low-wage, service-oriented work.

Nearly two decades later, California is now the epicenter of U.S. garment industry, employing over 45,000 garment workers, many of whom are undocumented Asian and Latino immigrants. And while the location of the industry has shifted, its working conditions remain unchanged.

In 2016, the U.S. the Department of Labor detected violations such as wage theft and unsanitary conditions in 85% of the California factories they visited. Furthermore, workers are paid through the piece-rate system, making as little as $0.03 per garment, or up to $300 dollars for a 75-hour week. The economic precarity of the industry was compounded by the recent pandemic—global supply chains were disrupted and consumer demand for clothing lowered so significantly that commercial western brands cancelled $1.44 billion in orders. 

To make up for lost revenue, garment manufacturers switched to producing masks, hospital gowns, and other forms of personal protective equipment (PPE) at high volumes. But even though garment workers in the U.S. were classified as essential workers, they continued to toil in factories where bathroom breaks were limited and social distancing and face coverings inadequately enforced. One of Los Angeles’ largest coronavirus outbreaks took place in an LA Apparel garment factory last summer, where 375 workers tested positive for COVID-19, resulting in four deaths. While more than 234,000 Californian residents are getting vaccinated every day, undocumented workers remain hesitant, fearful of revealing their immigration status while getting vaccinated.

Although Chen acknowledges the disparity between what essential workers are called and how they’re actually treated, she appreciates how the labor of garment workers is finally being recognized.

“It’s very bittersweet,” Chen says. “I think it’s good that there’s finally a catchphrase that shows even the most minimal appreciation to workers who used to be completely invisible … And for Asians especially—we’ve been invisible for so long.”
Labor lessons worth remembering

While Chinatown’s garment industry is nearly nonexistent now, the lessons learned from the 1982 strike are still salient. Like the organizers who led the 1982 strike, garment workers in California are continuing to organize for fair wages and safe conditions in the workplace. At the end of last year, California state Sen. Maria Elena Durazo introduced the Garment Workers Protection Act (GWPA or SB-62) to replace the piece-rate system with a minimum hourly wage and hold brands accountable for workplace abuse. With support from the Garment Worker Center, the Western Center On Law & Poverty, and Bet Tzedek Justice For All, the GWPA passed the Senate Judiciary Committee in April, inching its way closer towards improving the lives of thousands of workers.

What made the 1982 strike so successful, Chen says, boils down to two key factors: collective action under common goals, and the willingness for immigrants, especially women, to be unapologetically vocal about their concerns.

“Garment workers recognized that Chinese workers, if they join together, can be an important force,” said Margaret Fung, the co-founder and executive director of the Asian American Legal Defense and Education Fund in the documentary We Are One. “They can exert some control over their lives, their working conditions, and their wages, but only if they work together and have a union.”

For Asian Americans in particular, Chen is hopeful that transformative social change, whether that’s an end to unjust labor practices or the numerous cultural mythologies that render Asian American communities susceptible to all forms of violence, is possible.

“Like the case of Vincent Chin, there have always been waves of anti-Asian violence,” Chen said. “But what’s good now is that more people are speaking up.”

Analysis: More states adding AAPI curriculum to their school lessons

More states than previously noted are adding or bolstering their lesson plans to include subject material about Asians Americans and Pacific Islanders in recognition of their schools' curricula shortcomings.

“For nearly 200 years, the AAPI population has made impactful contributions to the U.S., but Asian Americans continue to fight against being seen as the perpetual foreigner,” said Zhengyu Huang, President of Committee of 100, which conducted the study. 

The Committee of 100, a nonprofit organization of prominent Chinese Americans,  unveiled June 30 a state-by-state analysis of the prevalence of existing and potential legislation requiring the teaching of Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) history in K-12 social studies curriculum in the United States. 

In a surprising finding, the research found that 19 states have some form of AAPI studies in place, far more than the two or three states -- Illinois, New Jersey and Connecticut -- often highlighted in recent media stories.

FYI: AAPI and Ethnic Studies Requirements for K-12 Students in America’s Public Schools” can be downloaded here.

Committee of 100 researchers analyzed the laws, regulations, bills, and publicly available curriculum standards of the 50 states and the District of Columbia to determine which states have existing K-12 AAPI or ethnic studies curriculum requirements or legislative action that would enact such requirements. 

The researchers cross-referenced state legislature websites, state statutes, keyword Google searches, and LegiScan to assess the existence and status of legislation and statutes, as well as state department of education websites and publicly available curriculum standards issued by state regulators and boards of education to determine the prevalence of AAPI and ethnic studies academic standards. The research took place from July 27, 2021, to March 1, 2022.

Educational curriculum and the standards set by states provide the framework by which students understand the world around them. Committee of 100’s research showcases that there are currently multiple active paths being pursued in various states, ensuring students gain access to learn about AAPI history and culture in the K-12 range.

“Standalone bills – which have garnered headlines as of late – are not always feasible. Other minority groups like the African American, Jewish American, Latino American, and Native American communities have all faced the same challenge in which their respective histories have been dramatically underserved and underrepresented. Committee of 100 is working to bring critical pieces of data under one umbrella, to provide a better understanding of the various state of progress on advancing AAPI curriculum across the U.S.,” Huang continued.

Committee of 100’s research brief organizes the 50 states into eight categories: 

• Established statutes that require AAPI studies curriculum;
• Academic standards that include AAPI studies;
• Recently introduced bills that would require AAPI studies curriculum;
• Established statutes that require ethnic studies curriculum;
• Academic standards that include ethnic studies;
• Recently introduced bills that would require ethnic studies curriculum;
• Wstablished statutes or recently introduced bills for optional AAPI or ethnic studies that do not require curriculum; and
• No statutes, academic standards, or bills for AAPI or ethnic studies.

Other highlights from the research: 

• Seven states have required AAPI curriculum statutes.
• 15 states have recently introduced bills to require AAPI studies curriculum.
• 18 states have ethnic studies curriculum statutes that may or may not explicitly focus on AAPI populations.
• 23 more states and the District of Columbia have recently introduced such legislation.
• 12 states and the District of Columbia have AAPI studies academic standards.
• 27 states and the District of Columbia have ethnic studies standards.
• 24 states have either introduced or passed legislation related to AAPI or ethnic studies, but these policies do not require schools to teach AAPI or ethnic studies.
• Seven states (Alaska, Kansas, Kentucky, Montana, North Dakota, South Dakota, and Wyoming) are uniquely identified as having nothing on the books related to APPI or ethnic studies curriculum or standards; no such statutes are in place, no such bills have been introduced in the last two years, and no such policies are included in existing academic standards.

Education is being seen by experts and AAPI advocates as a way of combating the recent surge of anti-Asian sentiment and attacks. Most people tend to self-segregate and simply do not know enough about AAPI culture, history or as individuals.

Stuart Kwoh of the Asian American Education Project, said: "Asian Americans are invisible in the schools. We need to change that thread so we are visible," he said.

“Public schools are critical in shaping citizens. In most states, schools do not require students to learn about the contributions of Americans of Asian descent, but Asian American history is American history. If they don’t learn this as children, how can students become citizens who will understand the challenges and struggles of all Americans?” said Huang.

EDITOR'S NOTE: For additional commentary, news and views from an AANHPI perspective, follow @DioknoEd on Twitter.

Memorial Day 2022: Remembering the 1st and 2nd Filipino Infantry Regiment

US ARMY

Filipino American soldiers of the 1st Filipino Regiment were sworn in as U.S. citizens.

One of the United States' most famous WWII segregated units was the 442nd Regiment, composed of Japanese American soldiers. Their heroism and bravery fighting in Europe are well documented resulting in the 442nd becoming as the most decorated unit for its size and length of service in the history of the US military.

Little known and receiving much less attention, was the unit made up of Filipino American soldiers -- the 1st and 2nd Filipino Regiments, which saw action in the Pacific and took part in the liberation of the Philippines.

Out of a sense of patriotic duty and love for their homeland, thousands of Filipinos residing in the U.S. responded to the call to arms. 

Following is the history of the 1st Filipino Regiment from the US Army Center of Military History: 

Following the Japanese attacks that destroyed U.S. airfields on Luzon on 8 December 1941, thousands of Filipinos fought side by side with U.S. Army soldiers in the defense of the Philippines. Yet at the same time stateside recruiters refused to enlist Filipino-American volunteers

Pertaining to the Tydings-McDuffie Act of 1934, Filipinos were stripped of their “U.S. National” status and were now considered “aliens.” As U.S. “aliens,” they were exempted from being drafted into the army and thus not legally required to serve for the United States. 

On December 7, 1941, when Pearl Harbor was attacked by the Imperial Navy of Japan, Filipino Americans petitioned for the rights to serve in the U.S. Army leading President Franklin Roosevelt to revise the Selective Service Act allowing Filipinos in the U.S. to serve in the Second World War. 

To fight a world war, however, the nation needed to call upon all its available manpower. On December 21, 1941 Congress amended the Selective Service and Training Act to permit enlistment of citizens and “every other male person residing in the United States.” 

Thousands of Filipino American men volunteered to serve the United States.

As a result, on February 19, 1942, Secretary of War Henry L. Stimson announced the creation of a Filipino battalion to enable Americans of Filipino ancestry as well as resident Filipinos to serve together in the U.S. Army.

On April 1, 1942 the War Department activated the 1st Filipino Battalion. Its existence proved short-lived. In July 1942 the soldiers transferred to the newly constituted 1st Filipino Regiment which replaced the battalion, and the new regiment activated on 13 July 1942 at Salinas, California. On 14 October 1942 the Army constituted a second regiment, designated as the 2d Filipino Regiment. The 1st Battalion, 2d Filipino Regiment, activated on October 22, 1942 at Fort Ord, California.

Shortly thereafter, the Office of The Adjutant General approved a coat of arms for the 1st Filipino Regiment. The red, white, and blue colors on the shield, representing the national colors of the Philippines and the United States, reflected the Filipino heritage of this U.S. Army regiment. The unit was granted the motto "Laging Una," which is “Always First” in Tagalog—a major native language of the Philippines. No records have surfaced to indicate that the Army ever authorized a coat of arms for the 2d Filipino Regiment.

On March 27, 1944 the 2d Filipino Regiment was disbanded, and the 1st Battalion was concurrently reorganized and redesignated as the 2d Filipino Battalion (Separate). From Fort Ord, elements of the 1st Filipino Regiment and the 2d Filipino Battalion (Separate) moved to various training locations in California before embarking separately at San Francisco for a two-week voyage to the South Pacific.

Elements of the 1st Filipino Regiment arrived in New Guinea in April 1944 where they fought until moving to the Philippines (Leyte) in February 1945. There, some of the regiment’s companies provided security for Eighth Army General Headquarters, Far East Air Force, and Seventh Fleet Headquarters as well as at two airstrips, Tanauan and Tacloban. 

US ARMY

Filipino American soldiers used bolo knives while training in eskrima, a Philippine martial art.

For the remainder of the war, the 1st Filipino Regiment manned checkpoints, participated in mopping-up operations, and performed security and support operations in the Philippines.  Many of unit members were used as scouts and intelligence gatherers because they were able to blend in with the local population.

The unit returned to the United States in March 1946 and inactivated at Camp Stoneman, California, on April 10, 1946. The 1st Filipino Regiment earned battle honors for New Guinea, Leyte, and the Southern Philippines. The unit additionally earned the Philippine Presidential Unit Citation.

The 2d Filipino Battalion (Separate) left the United States in June 1944 and arrived in New Guinea in July 1944. The battalion eventually moved to Manila, Philippine Islands, where it inactivated on December 21, 1945. The unit earned battle honors for New Guinea. It did not receive any decorations.

Unlike their fellow Filipino veterans who fought on the side the U.S. as members of the US forces, members of the 2st and 2nd Filipino Regiments were given U.S. citizenship. According to historian Barbara Posadas, 10,737 Filipinos who served in the U.S. Armed Forces were granted citizenship during and after World War II.

EDITOR'S NOTE: For additional commentary, news and views from an AANHPI perspective, follow @DioknoEd on Twitter.

Denver to apologize for anti-Chinese riot of 1880

A white mob drove out the Chinese from Denver in 1880.

Denver is the latest U.S. city to acknowledge its past racist treatment of Asian Americans.

Next week, the Mile-High City will formally issue an apology for the anti-Chinese riots that drove Chinese residents out of town and erased Denver's thriving Chinatown.

Today, there's nothing left of the city's Chinatown in the Colorado's biggest city because the Chinese were driven out in the 1880s.  

The City of Denver issued the following statement:

"While the city cannot erase past injustices against the Asian American and Pacific Island community, it is a first step towards recognizing and honoring their valuable contributions through public acknowledgement and fostering racial reconciliation. This development will assist Denver in attaining its goal of being a diverse, inclusive, and equitable city where all people can live and work in harmony."

Denver will issue a resolution apologizing to the Chinese immigrants and their descendants for its role in the anti-Chinese riot that occurred on Oct 31, 1880, and the racial violence and discrimination since then.

A barroom altercation quickly escalated into a full-fledged riot, with a drunken white mob attacking and setting fire to every Chinese business in the area. 

Many of the original Chinese inhabitants were workers who worked on the western portion of the Transcontinental Railroad that linked up near Provo, Utah in 1869.  There were about 1800 Chinese living in the neighborhood at the time of the race riots. One Chinese man, Look Young, was lynched and many others were badly injured. In the end, almost all the Chinese businesses in the area were destroyed and within the span of ten years the community all but disappeared.

The former Chinatown was located near the present-day Coors Field and currently home to a thriving area of restaurants, hotels and businesses.

Today, only a plaque commemorating the event remains on 20th and Blake Streets, but misrepresents the anti-Chinese riot with a false narrative. 

Denver becomes the 6th US city and the first outside of California to issue an apology for its racist acts against Chinese residents. During that period, the anti-Chinese sentiment driven by racist newspapers and politicians, resulted in several Chinatowns getting burned down and eventually led to the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882.

The apology is a first step by the City of Denver in acknowledging its role in the historic discrimination and violence against the Chinese community and their descendants. This apology also signifies a step forward in the city's commitment to re-valuing the contributions of the Chinese immigrant and larger AAPI communities and educating a new generation of Coloradoans about the history of the Chinese immigrant community, by building a more just and inclusive society.

“It’s really amazing that Denver, even though we are not on the coast, is taking this progressive approach and issuing this apology and committing to do more for the [Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders] community,” said Joie Ha, vice-chair for Colorado Asian Pacific United, which coordinated with the city to organize the event.

The ceremony offering the apology is set for April 16, at the Lawrence Street Center Terrace Room, 1 p.m. to 2 p.m.

EDITOR'S NOTE: Don't miss out on additional commentary, news and views from an AAPI perspective by following @DioknoEd on Twitter.

House unanimously pass bill to help preserve WWII incarceration camps for Japanese Americans

The Amache Internment Camp in Colorado as it looked in WWII.

The drive to preserve the incarceration camps used to relocate Japanese Americans during WWII came a step closer to reality with the unanimous passage of the Japanese American Confinement Education (JACE) Act in the House of Representatives last week.

“The Japanese American story is one that is not told nearly enough. It is one of pain, one of redemption, and one of enrichment," said Rep. Doris Matsui, D-CA, who was born in the euphemistically named the Poston Relocation Center in western Arizona in 1944,

"This bill will ensure that these lessons live into the future – that we continue bending the moral arc of this country by sharing these stories, lifting our voices, and fighting so that we do not repeat the mistakes of the past."

In 2006, the Japanese American Confinement Sites (JACS) Program was established for the preservation and interpretation of U.S. confinement sites where Japanese Americans were incarcerated during World War II.

This original legislation was introduced by then-Representative Bill Thomas, Doris Matsui, and Mike Honda. Since the first year of funding in Fiscal Year 2009, $36 million has been provided to 268 projects in 24 states and the District of Columbia. Funding has ranged from as little as $5,000 to over $800 thousand for a single project. 

The JACE act provides an additional $42 million dollars in funding for a total of $80 million. Of that total, $10 million in funding may be used by Japanese American organizations to implement education programs to ensure that present and future generations of Americans will learn from the experience of Japanese American confinement and our country’s subsequent commitment to equal justice under law.

This funding will be used for research and education relating to Japanese American incarceration, and the creation and disbursement of educational materials to promote a national understanding of how and why about 120,000 Japanese Americans were incarcerated during WWII.

The Japanese American Citizen League gave credit to Matsui for her leadership in authoring and championing the JACE Act and to Chairman Neguse, Ranking Member Fulcher, and the rest of the members of the National Parks, Forests, and Public Lands subcommittee for shepherding the JACE act to passage.

The JACL urges the Senate to swiftly pass the JACE Act (S.988) where it was sponsored by Hawaii's Sen. Brian Schatz.

"The essence of the American experience isn’t that we’re perfect," said Matsui, "it is that we heal from seeing where we’ve been and teach our younger generations to build a more inclusive, equitable future.”

EDITOR'S NOTE: For additional commentary, news, views and tips from an AAPI perspective, follow me on Twitter @DioknoEd.

President Biden proclaims Day of Remembrance; "Nidoto Nai Yoni"

The seeds of ignorance, hate and fear that ushered in a dark chapter of American history, the imprisonment of Japanese Americans during WWII, is reemerging as attacks against all AAPI communities continue.

In this time of rising anti-Asian hate, President Biden issued a statement commemorating the Day of Remembrance, Feb. 19, 1942 when President Franklin Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066 that allowed the imprisonment of 120,000 Americans of Japanese descent.

"Today, we recognize that euphemistic terms that we have collectively used in the past — such as 'assembly centers,' 'relocation,' or 'internment' — do not adequately describe the injustice experienced by some 120,000 people; we recognize the forced removal and mass incarceration of Japanese Americans and others during World War II ..." 

RELATED: JACL statement on the 8oth anniversary of EO 9066.

This is a shameful chapter of American history some would like to forget because it is uncomfortable to acknowledge that the path to a "more perfect Union," espoused in the Constitution is littered with mistakes. We need to learn from our mistakes.

As Biden states, "We reaffirm our commitment to Nidoto Nai Yoni, which translates to 'Let It Not Happen Again.' ”

Following is Biden's complete statement released yesterday, Feb. 18, 2022:

Eighty years ago, on February 19, 1942, President Franklin D. Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066, stripping people of Japanese descent of their civil rights.  That order and the subsequent actions carried out by the Federal Government represent one of the most shameful chapters in our Nation’s history.  On this Day of Remembrance of Japanese American Incarceration During World War II, we acknowledge the unjust incarceration of some 120,000 Japanese Americans, approximately two-thirds of whom were born in the United States.

Despite never being charged with a crime, and without due process, Japanese Americans were forcibly removed from their homes and communities and incarcerated, simply because of their heritage.  For years, many Japanese Americans lived in harsh, overcrowded conditions, surrounded by barbed wire fences and armed guards.  Not only did they lose their homes, businesses, property, and savings — they also lost their liberty, security, and the fundamental freedoms that belong to all Americans in equal measure.

I have always believed that great nations do not ignore their most painful moments — they confront them with honesty and, in doing so, learn from them and grow stronger as a result.  The incarceration of Japanese Americans 80 years ago is a reminder to us today of the tragic consequences we invite when we allow racism, fear, and xenophobia to fester.

Today, we reaffirm the Federal Government’s formal apology to Japanese Americans whose lives were irreparably harmed during this dark period of our history, and we solemnly reflect on our collective moral responsibility to ensure that our Nation never again engages in such un-American acts.  We acknowledge the intergenerational trauma and loss that the incarceration of Japanese Americans has caused.  We also uplift the courage and resilience of brave Japanese Americans who, despite being unjustly incarcerated, formed powerful communities and marshalled incredible dignity and strength.

Many of those whose families were incarcerated volunteered or were drafted to serve in combat — courageously serving in the 100th Infantry Battalion, Military Intelligence Service, Women’s Army Auxiliary Corps, Army Nurse Corps, and the 442nd Regimental Combat Team with unwavering patriotism.  The all-Japanese American 100th Infantry Battalion and the 442nd Regimental Combat Team became two of the most decorated and distinguished military units in our Nation’s history.  Countless Japanese Americans carry forward this legacy of extraordinary service today, and their work to preserve the history of this period strengthens our Nation and our democracy.

We reflect on the bravery of civil rights leaders like Fred Korematsu, Minoru Yasui, Gordon Hirabayashi, and Mitsuye Endo, and that of every Japanese American who organized and sought redress.  Their efforts helped bring about the first Day of Remembrance, led President Jimmy Carter to sign the law creating the Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians, and spurred President Ronald Reagan to sign the Civil Liberties Act of 1988, which provided monetary reparations to living survivors and an official apology to the Japanese American community.  At the same time, we also acknowledge the painful reality that Japanese Latin Americans, who were taken from their Central and South American homes and incarcerated by the United States Government during World War II, were excluded from the Civil Liberties Act of 1988.

Today, the National Park Service helps preserve several Japanese American incarceration camps.  These tangible reminders of our history provide important spaces for reflection and learning about the injustices born of prejudice.  Preserving incarceration sites as national parks and historic landmarks is proof of our Nation’s commitment to facing the wrongs of our past, to healing the pain still felt by survivors and their descendants, and to ensuring that we always remember why it matters that we never stop fighting for equality and justice for all.  My Administration is committed to maintaining these national parks and landmarks for future generations and to combating xenophobia, hate, and intolerance — including through the reestablished White House Initiative on Asian Americans, Native Hawaiians, and Pacific Islanders.  In the words of Dr. Frank Kitamoto, who was incarcerated as a child, “This is not just a Japanese American story but an American story with implications for the world.” 

The words we use to describe the historical and present treatment of communities of color and other underserved communities have profound meaning.  Today, we recognize that euphemistic terms that we have collectively used in the past — such as “assembly centers,” “relocation,” or “internment” — do not adequately describe the injustice experienced by some 120,000 people; we recognize the forced removal and mass incarceration of Japanese Americans and others during World War II; and we reaffirm our commitment to Nidoto Nai Yoni, which translates to “Let It Not Happen Again.”

NOW, THEREFORE, I, JOSEPH R. BIDEN JR., President of the United States of America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and the laws of the United States, do hereby proclaim February 19, 2022, as a Day of Remembrance of Japanese American Incarceration During World War II.  I call upon the people of the United States to commemorate this injustice against civil liberties and civil rights during World War II; to honor the sacrifice of those who defended the democratic ideals of this Nation; and to commit together to eradicate systemic racism to heal generational trauma in our communities.

IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this eighteenth day of February, in the year of our Lord two thousand twenty-two, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and forty-sixth.

EDITOR'S NOTE: For additional commentary, news and views from an AAPI perspective, follow me on Twitter @DioknoEd.

 

Wisconsin bill would require that AAPI history be taught in public schools

Wisconsin Representative Francesca Hong

Wisconsin may be the third state to mandate the teaching of Asian American history, culture and contributions to United States.

A bipartisan group of legislators introduced legislation to update the state’s statutory educational goals to require “at all grade levels, an understanding of human relations, particularly with regard to…Hmong Americans and American Pacific Islander Desi Americans (APIDA),” according to a press release from the office of State Rep. Francesca Hong, one of the bipartisan group of lawmakers who introduced Assembly Bill 381 last summer

“The stories and experiences of these vast and diverse demographics are intrinsically linked with the story of Wisconsin, and this bill will help us ensure that is reflected in our classrooms. Hmong American and APIDA lives, cultures, and contributions to our state, nation, and local communities deserve this attention, commemoration, and respect,” Hong said in a statement.

If approved, Wisconsin would join Illinois and New Jersey in requiring the inclusion of Asian American history in its public schools. Other states considering adding curriculum to include Asian American and Pacific Islander topics include Ohio, New York, Florida and Connecticut.

Wisconsin is home to one of the largest Hmong American communities, refugees fleeing Vietnam and Laos when the the U.S. military left Vietnam.

“Our Hmong American and Asian Pacific Islander Desi American neighbors enrich our state with their presence and culture,” added Sen. Eric Wimberger. “Their stories are uniquely American, but often unheard, and our students will certainly benefit from learning about their experiences.”

New Jersey will require public schools K-12 to teach AAPI history

New Jersey students will learn more about AAPI history and contributions to the U.S.

From the first Filipino to set foot in what is now California to Vice President Kamala Harris, students in New Jersey will be required to learn  Asian American history and culture after new laws were signed by Gov. Phil Murphy.

Murphy signed legislation Tuesday that will ensure that the contributions, history, and heritage of Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders (AAPI) are included in the New Jersey Student Learning Standards for Social Studies for students in kindergarten through Grade 12.

“The members of our Asian American/Pacific Islander community have contributed so much to our state and nation,” said Murphy. “By teaching students about the history and heritage of our AAPI community, we can ensure that the diversity of our state is reflected in our curriculum and create a more tolerant and knowledgeable future for New Jersey.”

S4021 will create an AAPI curriculum requirement for schools and S3764 will establish the Commission for Asian American Heritage within the Department of Education.

“By incorporating instruction on the history and contributions of Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders, New Jersey schools can provide a curriculum that reflects the diversity of our state,” said Dr. Angelica Allen-McMillan, Acting Commissioner of Education. “In addition, the establishment of the Commission on Asian American Heritage will serve as an invaluable resource to enhance classroom instruction throughout the state.”

New Jersey joins Illinois, which passed similar legislation last July, believing that learning abut Asian American history will reduce the racist attacks against Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders who are often viewed as perpetual foreigners and "others." 

Several other states -- Ohio, New York, Florida and Connecticut -- are considering similar mandates to include AAPI history in their public schools. California already passed a measure requiring high school students have a semester of ethnic studies that includes AAPI history in order to graduate.

Anti-Asian attacks have occurred throughout the U.S.'s history but have increased alarmingly since the pandemic began. Many believe that the anti-China rhetoric that was used by the Donald Trump administration helped unleash the racist beliefs held by ignorant white supremacists.

Since the pandemic began, thousands of anti-racist attacks have occurred throughout the nation, according to Stop AAPI Hate, a community-based organization that has been collecting reports of the racist incidents. 

The most recent incident was last Saturday when a man pushed an Asian American woman onto the New York subway tracks as a train was approaching. The victim, Michelle Go, 40, was killed and the suspect later turned himself in to police which is investigating the incident as a hate crime even though authorities say there is no evidence that Go was attacked because of her race.

NYPD data reports that anti-Asian attacks have increased 361% in 2021.

New Jersey is one of several states around the country mandating curriculum as a way to fight anti-Asian hate and increase cultural sensitivity. In July, Illinois became the first state to require schools to teach Asian American history.

More than 1 million people New Jersey resident identify as Asian, according to the 2020 census. The state's Asian American population grew faster in the past decade than any other large ethnic or racial group, increasing 44% since 2010, census figures show.

“All children deserve to know they belong. All children deserve to feel safe, said aid Dr. Kani Ilangovan of Make Us Visible NJ, one of the community groups advocating for the legislation. "This law will help ensure Asian Americans are represented in our great American story. ... With the rise of anti-Asian violence, education is the best antidote to hate.”

“In my classroom, I teach students that the American dream is an aspiration. For Asian Americans, aspiring to the American dream is difficult when our stories are lost or ignored,” said newly installed Assembly member Sadaf Jaffer, who teaches South Asian Studies at Princeton University.

“Knowledge is a powerful tool to heal our social fabric, and I’m proud of New Jersey for taking this important step to build a stronger and more inclusive future.”

EDITOR'S NOTE: For additional commentary, news and views from an AAPI perspective, follow me on Twitter @DioknoEd.

California has a chance to tell the stories of a majority of its students

California's student population is growing more increasingly diverse, but lesson plans rarely
mention their histories and contributions.

OPINION

When I was going through the California public school system, I don't recall any mention of Filipinos except for the one-line sentence regarding their role in World War II.

There was one bright moment in 4th grade when a well-meaning teacher, perhaps noting that there were two Filipino students in her class mentioned the Filipinos who volunteered for the U.S. Army's 1st and 2nd Filipino Infantry Regiments. 

"They use their bolo knives," she said, moving her arms in a downward motion in an X-pattern. I perked up. They were the only military units issued machete's. "they were really good soldiers," she continued. Thank you Mrs. Vriend.

Except for the Blacks because of their role as slaves, the Civil War and the fight for civil rights, voting rights and equality and Mexicans because of the Alamo and building the California missions, the contributions of Asian Americans and other ethnic minorities barely get mentioned in U.S. classrooms.

A bill passed by the California Legislature Wednesday, Sept. 8, seeks to change that omission. Assembly Bill 101 authored by Assemblymember Jose Medina, (Riverside)  would make ethnic studies a high school graduation requirement awaits Gov. Gavin Newsom's signature.

The nearly 900-page Ethnic Studies Model Curriculum approved by the State Board of Education, has been years in the making. It seeks to teach high school students about the struggles and contributions of “historically marginalized peoples which are often untold in U.S. history courses.” It centers on the four groups that are the focus of college-level ethnic studies: African Americans, Chicano/Latinos, Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders and Native Americans.

State Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond said last March when State School Board voted on the instruction that he recognized the importance of introducing a non-ethnocentric curriculum that would teach students of color about their history.

“After the killing of George Floyd, we sought to provide support to our students for the trauma that the nation, that the world had witnessed,” Thurmond said in a statement. “Our students said to us that they wanted to see representations of themselves. They asked us why they didn’t learn about their own histories in school.”

California is one of three states where Whites do not have a majority, according to the 2020 Census. More than three-quarters of California’s 6.2 million K-12 students are non-white: 55% Latino, 22% white, 12% Asian or Pacific Islander and 5% African American.

The vast majority of California’s immigrants were born in Latin America (50%) or Asia (39%). However, among immigrants who arrived between 2010 and 2019, more than half (53%) were born in Asia, while only 31% were born in Latin America. according to the Public Policy Institute of California. The leading countries of origin are Mexico (3.9 million), the Philippines (859,000), China (796,000), Vietnam (539,000), and India (513,000). based on the 2019 American Communities Survey by the US Census. 

From the 2020 US Census, we learn that Asians make up 15% of the state with more than 6 million people of Asian descent — more than the total population of most other states. 

When Attorney General Rob Bonta was a member of the Assembly, he co-authored a similar bill that failed to garner then-Gov. Jerry Brown.

"Studies have shown that not only are students empowered by these courses, but their academic performance improves and graduation rates increase," said Bonta. "Research also indicates that students with more racial awareness are more civically engaged which benefits our society as a whole. It is important to see history represented in a way that is complete, fair and accurate. Our histories deserve more than one paragraph in a textbook or one lesson in a social science class."

Source: American Communities Survey

Still a majority of California's school districts stick with the prescribed textbooks that emphasize only the story of the "hero-like" European immigrants that (in my words) exploited, conquered, colonized or erased the histories of other Americans whose parents and/or ancestors came from different continents.

A.B. 101 requires students graduating from California high schools in 2030 and after to have completed a one-semester ethnic studies class, and for these classes to be offered no later than the 2025-2026 school year. The bill made its way through the state's Assembly and Senate and passed its final hurdle last week and sent to the Governor's desk. 

Newsom vetoed a similar effort last year, yielding to strong criticism from Jewish groups, who condemned previous versions for an alleged bias towards Palestine and not enough content on anti-Semitism. Some critics, including the Jewish legislative caucus, by approving a significantly revised curriculum in March.

If the curriculum attains its goal, it would create a more inclusive California school system that would include the teaching  of the significance of the 1965 Grape Strike led by Filipinos and Latinos, the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, and the racial animus that allowed the incarceration of Japanese Americans during WWII.

Illinois' governor has signed a similar measure, authored by its Asian American lawmakers, that broadens the perspective on the history of the U.S. to tell the stories of that state's large ethnic groups. Other states, including Massachusetts, are in various stages of developing curriculum that would included teaching "the truth" about US history, according to some teacher advocates.

Unsurprisingly, this development has garnered strong opposition from groups that see the efforts to broaden America's story as an attempt to usurp White dominance in US society. 

As of August 26, 27 states have introduced bills or taken other steps that would restrict teaching critical race theory or limit how teachers can discuss racism and sexism, according to an Education Week analysis. Twelve states have enacted these bans, either through legislation or other avenues.

However, if Newsom signs AB101 into law, California's economic clout would be hard to ignore by textbook publishers, who would have to rewrite their books and lesson plans would have to altered to fit California's requirements because the state has the largest school system in the US.

I often wonder how my life would have been different if more Asian American stories were included in my school lessons. Not only would it have most certainly boosted my self esteem, but it would also have rounded out the image of Asian Americans held by most of my nonAsian classmates.

Hopefully, if California's governor signs AB101, my grandchildren -- and equally important, their nonAsian classmates -- won't have that huge hole in their lives and their eyes will be open to the diversity that makes up their school, community and the United States.

“Some kids may not believe [systemic racism and white privilege exist] when they come in, but if you give facts and say, 'You be the judge of these facts,' then hopefully they understand the problem,” Saratoga High School teacher Mike Davey told KQED. “And then they can work on a solution.”

"It's a big step, no doubt," Medina said at last week's hearing. "I think it is something that is overdue in the state and in this country."

EDITOR'S NOTE: For additional observations, tips and references, follow me on Twitter @dioknoed